Rev. father (Dr) Atta Bakindo is a notable personality who wields influences on important decisions within the Nigerian power circle, even though his youthful appearance belies the control he could wield. Bakindo, whose PhD thesis focused on Understanding Boko Haram and the Islamic State in the Chad Basin, is the Executive Director of the Kukah Center, Nigeria. His work is focused on addressing violence and displacement in Nigeria and Africa; and he strategically deploys his extensive experience in border dispute and conflict resolution, to deradicalisation, rehabilitation, and reintegration of violent extremists. He is a strong voice on issues of terrorism and violent extremism, and on countering violent extremism in Africa. His master’s degree in political Islam from the Pontifical Institute for Arabic and Islamic Studies is an unambiguous testament to his deep knowledge of diverse religions in the Nigerian and global politics and conflict resolution. He spoke with the Editor, AHR, John Nwokocha, in Abuja.
Enjoy the conversations here below:
Given your membership of the National Peace Committee, why is peace elusive in Nigeria?
The National Peace Committee was set up to support peaceful elections and transitions. The members of the committee accepted the Kukah Center to form a secretariat, and since I manage the center, I happen to head the secretariat for the peace committee. However, I am not a member. The committee members are separate from me. My role is to manage their logistics, organise their travels, arrange their meetings, and ensure that any function they attend or organise are properly coordinated by the secretariat.
When it comes to peace, it depends on how you define it. There are two aspects to consider: overall peace and stability in Nigeria, and peace in relation to the mandate of the committee. In terms of fulfilling their mandate, the National Peace Committee has made significant progress since 2015. Their mandate is to support a peaceful process, ensure that contesting parties accept election outcomes, concede defeat, and prevent widespread violence across the country.
In this regard, they have done quite well. For instance, in 2015, 2019, and 2023, the committee successfully brought political gladiators to the table, appealed to them, and released statements urging their followers to remain peaceful. Compared to the violence that erupted after the 2011 presidential elections, where almost 800 people were killed within days—especially in Kaduna State—we have not seen a repeat of such incident in subsequent elections. Of course, this cannot be attributed solely to the peace committee. Many individuals, groups, agencies, institutions, and civil society organisations have worked together to prevent widespread political and electoral violence.
That said, achieving overall peace in Nigeria is still a work in progress. Peace is not an event or an incident; it is a continuous process. However, broader peace in Nigeria remains a work in progress. Peace requires governance, accountability, and long-term commitment from all stakeholders.
By your headship of the center and association with the Committee, you have insights into the objectives of the group. How can Nigeria achieve peace?
Peace is a process, and achieving it depends on collective efforts. Elections alone do not bring peace; governance does. Leaders must honour the social contract by addressing poverty, creating jobs, building infrastructure, and ensuring justice and inclusivity. We must transition from being fragmented tribespeople to becoming a unified nation with shared values and goals. As long as tribalism prevails, achieving national unity remains a challenge. Mozambique’s former president once said, “For a nation to arise, tribes must die.” Until we overcome these divisions, peace will remain elusive.
What is hindering Nigeria’s progress toward peace?
A major issue is accountability. Political leaders are rarely held responsible for their actions, and citizens often do not enjoy the dividends of democracy. Governance must address systemic issues, from reforming the judicial process to ensuring functional correctional systems. It’s not just about military action or buying weapons. Education, awareness, and training—especially for religious leaders—are critical.
Years of neglect in education, misuse of religion, and resistance to modernisation have caught up with us. Society is evolving, and Nigeria must adapt. This involves rethinking rigid, fanatical interpretations of religion and embracing tolerance and coexistence in a rapidly changing world.
Could you elaborate on this?
Population growth and internal migration have heightened competition for resources, particularly land. Indigene-settler conflicts have become pronounced, fuelled by the increasing demand for farmland and grazing areas. Government policies, such as setting up military barracks and state universities, often involve acquiring large tracts of land, and displacing communities and farmers.
Additionally, the nomadic lifestyle of herders is no longer sustainable. Population pressures and urban expansion have encroached on grazing routes. Ranching is the only viable solution. Settling herders would reduce clashes with farmers and align with modern realities.
People seem to have overlooked the impact of our growing population, internal migration, and the movement of people in search of better lives. With population increases and migration to different regions, the indigene-settler ideology has intensified. This has led to increased contestation over land and its resources. Many attribute this solely to the competition between farmers and herders for land, but there’s more to it.
For instance, during President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, how many military institutions and barracks were established? Constructing a military barrack requires thousands of hectares of land, which often comes at the expense of farmlands and community lands. Similarly, since the return to multiparty democracy in 1999, almost every state has established its own university. Building these institutions has also consumed vast amounts of land, displacing local farmlands.
In my opinion, these security installations, universities, and other projects have exacerbated land disputes. The government must review its policies on managing community land, particularly the Land Use Act.
Nigerians believe that the committee cannot give the country peace. Can you contradict this?
Over the years, people have placed high expectations on the committee. However, it is important to recognise the limitations of its mandate. The committee is not a constitutional body and does not have the power to arrest or prosecute anyone. Its role is to provide alternative dispute resolution, leveraging the moral influence and respect its members have garnered over the years. People must direct their criticisms and expectations towards the agencies empowered by law, such as the judiciary, the police, and INEC. These agencies operate on taxpayer funding and should be held accountable when they fail in their duties.
For example, if a ballot box is snatched in the presence of a police officer, it is not the responsibility of the peace committee to act. The committee cannot deploy soldiers or confront thugs. Its role is to appeal for peace, using moral persuasion to influence behaviour. It is a form of intervention based on goodwill, not coercion.
True peace comes from good governance. Leaders must fulfil the social contract by creating jobs, eradicating poverty, ensuring justice and inclusion, and providing necessary infrastructure. Addressing these social factors is essential for peace at both the community and national levels.
Currently, we remain divided along tribal lines, with many retreating into the comfort of their ethnic identities. Until we overcome this tribal mindset and forge a collective national identity, our progress toward lasting peace and stability will remain limited. As an ex-president once said, for a nation to thrive, “tribes must die.”
What are your thoughts on addressing insecurity in Nigeria?
Insecurity stems from systemic failures. Long-standing neglect of education, poor governance, and the politicisation of religion have created fertile ground for instability. We must prioritise education, foster tolerance, and address socio-economic grievances.
Do you support the ongoing rehabilitation programme for repentant Boko Haram fighters?
I will speak here as a priest. If you have a child who becomes a thief what are you going to do about that child? The question is we only see them as terrorists, but they are people’s children. They went to our schools- they went to our universities. They came from our own families. The question is what did these different institutions do to our children to turn them into terrorists? I think that the state has a responsibility. Because none of them was born a terrorist. They grew up within our society. So, what has society done to them? Is it possible for society to accept responsibility for turning them into terrorists? And what should be the measure of that responsibility? I think they deserve rehabilitation. What can happen is to interrogate and categorise them. Those who have committed very heinous and serious crimes and there is no potential for change should be held accountable and probably lock them up. Those who have the potential for change and may eventually add value to society why not give them that chance? This is the way I will look at it. I think there is more about the returnees, those who claim to have repented from joining Boko Haram.
But at the moment, there are no data and studies on those who have actually changed and what contribution they are making either in terms of security, providing intelligence for soldiers, and changing their own communities and families. The study is very limited. So, we need to find out and amplify it rather than just condemning these people as terrorists. It is something that is very urgent. This conflict has lingered for so long. For almost 15 years. By 2029, maybe after the elections, Boko haram officially will be 20 years, from what we are seeing, the response cannot be an isolated strategy for Nigeria alone. Because it exists along the border areas. And for years before the emergence of the conflict, people had lived in these borders and they inter-marry They shared and engaged in different commercial activities from across the border. If you go to Maiduguri right up to Niger and Chad, they don’t know much about Lagos. They have their own economic activities. If you are going to deal with this problem, the Nigerian government has to collaborate with our neighbours from across the border.
Based on your insights, can you help us better understand the out-of-school issue in Northern Nigeria?
The issue of out-of-school children is even more widespread than we realise, and there are various factors contributing to it. One major reason is the ongoing conflicts and the inability of the government to address them effectively. Additionally, there are children who are out of school due to cultural or ideological beliefs, where certain communities or religions reject Western education, believing that children should work on farms or attend other forms of education rather than the traditional Western-style schooling.
Furthermore, while insecurity is a nationwide issue, the North experiences a higher level of insecurity, which makes the situation even more dire. Until we have a large-scale intervention addressing these various factors, the situation will continue to worsen.
The issue of out-of-school children is alarming. Conflict, cultural resistance to education, and poor infrastructure exacerbate the problem. The government must invest in education and align it with national developmental goals.
Can you shed light on how land policies and infrastructure development impact peace?
Policies like the Land Use Act need review. Increasing demand for land—for military installations, universities, and urban development—has displaced communities and intensified resource conflicts. Governments must adopt sustainable practices, such as building vertically rather than acquiring vast expanses of land.
To achieve lasting peace, we must address these foundational issues through governance, education, and inclusivity. Nigeria has the potential for peace, but it requires collective effort, accountability, and a vision for a united nation.
Insecurity, particularly kidnapping for ransom is alarming. How do we address this?
Insecurity in Nigeria has evolved into an independent economy, separate from the formal and informal economies we are familiar with—such as small businesses, banking, and commerce. This conflict economy has allowed different actors to profit from the situation, making it increasingly difficult to address and resolve. If this parallel economy is allowed to persist, it will become even harder for people to rebuild their lives and communities.
Politically, citizens do not enjoy the dividends of democracy. There is no accountability, and survival has become a daily struggle in every aspect of life. Addressing insecurity, therefore, must go beyond merely deploying weapons and targeting individuals. True accountability is needed. Criminals must be held responsible through a functional judicial process. The prison system must work effectively, and the rule of law must be upheld.
At the same time, we need to address the underlying socio-economic and cultural issues. In Northern Nigeria, for example, the consequences of decades of educational neglect, misuse of religion, and rigid interpretations of faith are now catching up with us. As humanity and society evolve, there is a need to adapt to these changes. The Nigeria of the 1940s or 1950s is vastly different from today, with the advent of the internet, mobile phones, and globalization transforming how people live and interact. However, there remains an unwillingness to embrace these changes, with many holding on to very conservative views and rigid understandings of the human experience.
Military experts have suggested the deployment of kinetic and non-kinetic methods to deal with terrorists, do you support this idea?
Addressing insecurity requires both kinetic and non-kinetic approaches. On the kinetic side, strategies should focus on promoting accountability and strengthening institutions, not just on deploying guns and force. On the non-kinetic side, there is an urgent need for education, awareness campaigns, and training programs—especially for religious leaders—to encourage moderation and progressive interpretations of faith. Ultimately, this is about deciding the kind of country Nigeria wants to become: a modern, civil nation that upholds human rights and allows for the peaceful coexistence of diverse beliefs, or a society constrained by rigid ideologies.
